Ministry of Information approved a licence for Mr. Soy Sopheap to open a radio station, but rejected the same application from the Sam Rainsy Party

Source: Radio Free Asia
Reported in English by Khmerization

Mr. Soy Sopheap (pictured), publisher of Deum Ampil newspaper and an anchorman for CTN TV, has been given a licence by the Ministry of Information to open a radio station, reports Radio Free Asia.

Mr. Soy Sopheap said that his radio, to be called Radio Deum Ampil, will serve the Cambodian nation and the Khmer people. He said: "We will be focusing on social issues and issues affecting our future. The role of our radio is to pay attention to all angles of the issues for the interests of our nation. What I think is that we must know ourselves first. When we know ourselves, we will know the values of our nation."

He added that his radio will not serve any political interests. He said: "The first Khmer newspaper was founded on 19th December, 1936. As a Khmer son and as a younger generation, I want to uphold the original aims of the birth of that newspaper. What I want to say is that we will not accept financial supports from foreigners or any political parties. These money (to fund the radio) come from our savings."

Mr. Son Chhay, MP from the opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP), said that the government has not been fair in giving licences to people to operate radio stations. He said the SRP had previously applied for a licence to operate a radio station but was rejected. Later, a member of the party applied for a licence to open a private radio station but was rejected on the grounds that there is no more frequency available.

Mr. Son Chhay added that it is unfair that the Ministry of Information approved a radio licence for a known supporter of the ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP) when it rejected the same application from an opposition party. He said: "What is more important than this is that the Ministry (of Information) did not respect its previous words that there is no frequency available. But this time it provided someone with a licence, so it means that the ministry has lied and this will no doubt damage the reputation of the Ministry."

Mr. Son Chhay said that the Cambodian government is a government for all Khmer people, therefore it should approve a radio licence to all Khmers equally, but to just give licences to supporters of the ruling CPP only is very biased indeed.

When contacted on telephone by Radio Free Asia, Minister of Information Khieu Kanharith refused to make any comments by saying only that he is busy

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Allegations of corruption and political interferences: a thorn in the side of the KRT

Phnom Penh (Cambodia). 04/06/2009: Michiel Pestman, co-lawyer for Nuon Chea, during a press conference at the FCC, reveals security problems and governmental interferences at the ECCC
©John Vink/Magnum

While Duch's trial is set to enter its seventh week on Monday June 8th, pressure on the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) to address allegations of corruption and political interferences has kept growing. In the latest stir, a press conference was given by Michiel Pestman, the international co-lawyer for Nuon Chea, former Brother Nº2, on Thursday June 4th in Phnom Penh. He denounced a “security incident”, which occurred on the previous day, concerning a confidential letter originating from his office, which was allegedly taken out unbeknownst to him. He also expressed concern over the recent appointment of Helen Jarvis at the head of the Victims Unit as well as interferences of the Cambodian government in the judicial process, whilst also raising the issue of corruption that allegedly affects the national side of the internationalised tribunal...

Political manipulation and corruption, an explosive mix
“Ominous signs of political manipulation by the Cambodian government and a repeated failure to tackle corruption continue to plague the Khmer Rouge Tribunal,” noted from the outset the Open Society Justice in its last press release dated May 27th. It is a “toxic mix for the court,” its director, James A. Goldston, commented. Indeed, some senior officials recently expressed public warnings against additional indictments, further to the five existing defendants. Following Prime Minister Hun Sen, they argued that this could favour a return of the war in Cambodia. Moreover, the press release indicated, “[I]t appears that the government of Cambodia is attempting to block the investigating judges from interviewing certain insider witnesses who hold current positions of power.” Also, it was added, since the publication in August 2008 of a confidential report by the United Nations (UN) Office of Internal Oversight Services (OIOS), which detailed complaints of the court's staff paying kickbacks to political overseers, the Phnom Penh government has “refused to cooperate with the United Nations to create a process for court staff to report corruption.” With no safeguards in place, this policy “encourages a culture of silence.”


Co-Prosecutors and co-Investigating Judges asked to explain themselves
In their turn, on June 3rd, the international co-lawyers for the former ideologist of the Khmer Rouge regime, Michiel Pestman and Victor Koppe, sent separate letters to the tribunal's co-Investigating Judges and co-Prosecutors on a “Possible Breach of ECCC Agreement and Law.” They asked the two Cambodian magistrates – Chea Leang and You Bunleng – whether they have received any instructions from any member or official of their government with respect to their work at the court, while they must be independent in the performance of their functions according to established standards. They also recalled the international magistrates – Robert Petit and Marcel Lemonde – that “any UN official at the ECCC are ethically obligated to inform the parties of any violations by their Cambodian colleagues of the Agreement and/or Law, in particular those provisions which seek to ensure a fair trial.” According to them, there is evidence suggesting that the government opposed the hearing by the co-Investigating Judges of King-Father Norodom Sihanouk or Prime Minister Hun Sen.

“Co-Investigating Judge Lemonde keeps repeating that he will leave the day he can no longer fulfil his functions properly. If he knows there were government interferences in the work of his Cambodian colleague, he must inform the parties about it,” Michiel Pestman insisted. Asked for a reaction, Marcel Lemonde said he would respond to the letter from the lawyers, but not through the media.


Demands for the disclosure of a UN-OIOS investigation on corruption
Also, the Dutch lawyer welcomed the fact that his request for the disclosure of the UN-OIOS report on corruption within the court was joined by the lawyers for civil parties group 1 in the trial of Duch. As a reminder, Michiel Pestman and his two international colleagues – believing that such a situation could jeopardise the right of their client to a fair trial –, had filed, in their names, a complaint with the Municipal Court of Phnom Penh on January 9th to request that it examines the allegations of corruption. The complaint had finally been dismissed by the prosecution a month later. The three lawyers had then referred it to the Cambodian Court of Appeal and they are now waiting for the General Prosecutor to request a copy of the report from the UN. Late February, they had written to the UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-Moon, to request a “confidential” access to the report of the investigation carried out by a UN-OIOS team. On March 27th, they had filed a request with the co-Investigating Judges to ask them to investigate on the allegations of corruption, to which the magistrates had replied on April 3rd that this did not fall within their competencies.

In their joint response , dated May 29th, to defence appeals against the co-Investigating Judges' order denying the request for investigative action regarding allegations of administrative corruption, the co-Prosecutors agreed with the defence team for Nuon Chea, observing that “the credibility of this Court's process would be enhanced by a release of the OIOS Report and a timely and credible resolution of this issue.”

This was also relayed by the lawyers for the civil parties. On May 11th, they filed a “Public Request that the Trial Chamber facilitate the disclosure of an (sic) UN-OIOS report to the parties”, which existence they considered to be “directly relevant to the proceedings” in trial of the former director of detention centre S-21. They argued that the publication of this report after the closure of the proceedings may “expose the trial judgment to claims on the part of the Accused and others that corruption within the ECCC rendered the trial unfair, or that corruption constitutes an abuse of process warranting a permanent stay of the proceedings against Duch.” The lawyers called for the parties to be able to make written submissions on the content of the UN-OIOS report. Whilst also “expressing full confidence in the independence and impartiality of all the judges constituting the Trial Chamber,” the lawyers for civil parties group 1 “fear the slowly corrosive effect such allegations may have to undermine the work of the ECCC and prejudice the integrity of proceedings unless matters are properly resolved in court now.” Ten days later, the Trial Chamber ordered the parties to present submissions on the impact of the publication of the UN-OIOS report on the conduct of a fair trial in Duch's case.

All hopes are now turned towards the Trial Chamber, especially as everyone has kept in mind the words of Neo-Zealand judge Cartwright, who had publicly stated that “these historic trials, which are so important for the people of Cambodia, must not be tainted by corruption.”


Donors' softened stance
Dampened by the corruption scandal, the tribunal's donors had dug in their heels and UNDP, the UN agency which manages all funds affected to the ECCC, had decided, in mid-2008, to freeze payments to the Cambodian side of the court – which functions on two budgets, national and international, managed separately). Very recently, although no progress was registered regarding the issue of alleged corruption, donor countries have started to backtrack. For instance, Australia recently asked UNDP to release the funds it destined for the Cambodian side, while Japan, once again, rescued the Cambodian government by granting them 4 million dollars in order to enable the tribunal to function until the end of the year.


The Cambodian government annoyed by the scandal
On the day following the request of the lawyers for civil parties group 1, that is on May 12th, in a boomerang game, the spokesperson for the Cambodian Council of Ministers, Phay Siphan, announced that his government was investigating allegations of ill practices involving the court's international staff as well as civil party lawyers, which could discredit the tribunal... The following Monday, on May 18th, the appointment of Helen Jarvis at the head of the Victims Unit, in replacement of Keat Bophal, former member of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, after her resignation, was made public. Until then, Helen Jarvis had been in charge of the Public Affairs for the tribunal, and had also been appointed ethics monitor for the court. Previously, she had been an adviser to the Cambodian deputy Prime Minster Sok An.


Helen Jarvis targeted by criticism
On Wednesday June 3rd, as he was leaving after visiting his client, walking in the ground separating the cells of the detainees from the court building, Michiel Pestman's eyes were caught by a document that had ended up in a ditch. Looking closer, he recounted, he discovered that it was no other than a confidential document originating from his office. “I cannot explain myself how the document ended up there […] but we referred it to the security office. An investigation was opened. […] From now on, we have to be very careful about what we write on paper. […] The document left our office without our authorisation.” It is a draft letter to the attention of Helen Jarvis, in which Nuon Chea's lawyers raise their concerns regarding her recent appointment at the head of the Victims Unit and her possible lack of impartiality.

Indeed, some ten days before, they discovered a letter posted on the Internet in the name of the Australian Leninist Party Faction, dated from 2006 and containing “worrying” statements and signed, among others, by the new head of the Victims Unit. The lawyer quoted an excerpt: “We too are Marxists and believe that 'the ends justifies the means'. […] In time of revolution and civil war, the most extreme measures will sometimes become necessary and justified. Against the bourgeoisie and their state agencies we don’t respect their laws and their fake moral principles.” The lawyer said that he did not challenge the right of Helen Jarvis to have personal political opinions, but he was concerned that she signed a document saying she does not have to follow the rule of law. “In our letter,” the Dutch lawyer detailed, “we therefore ask her if she considers that the ECCC are a public State agency that is bourgeois...” Yet, he reminded “all the parties must follow the rules established by the tribunal,” and concluded that the Australian was not the “appropriate” person for such a position. Contacted by Ka-set, Helen Jarvis did not wish to make any comment.


Cambodian civil society's call for a resolution of the corruption issue
Echoing the concerns of Michiel Pestman, who considered the future to be very uncertain and specified that it was not the steps taken by his team, but corruption, that risked jeopardising the judicial process, CHRAC, a coalition of 21 local NGOs defending human rights and the rule of law, urged, in a joint statement published on Thursday June 4th, for further action to protect the ECCC from any corrupt practices. However, the civil society representatives welcomed the “recent steps by the government of Cambodia to address the corruption allegations and to reopen dialogue regarding the creation of a credible Ombudsman Office tasked with monitoring and resolving allegations of corrupt practices,” which they argued “must be fully independent and credible.”

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A Khmer Rouge Tribunal with civil parties but no guarantees of implementation of reparations

Choeung Ek (Phnom Penh, Cambodia). 17/04/2008: Commemoration of the start of Pol Pot’s regime at the “Killing Fields” in Choeung Ek
©John Vink/ Magnum

While the Rules Committee of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) – which examines potential amendments of the Internal Rules of the jurisdiction backed by the United Nations –, is meeting this week in Phnom Penh, the issue of the reparations to be awarded to victims of the Khmer Rouge is back on the table. Cambodian civil society organisations as well as lawyers for civil parties at the ECCC called to clarify this point as soon as possible, instead of waiting until the end of the judicial process, so that the measures provided for in the rules regarding collective and moral reparations do not remain a simple symbolic rule on paper.

Penniless accused
The Khmer Rouge Tribunal is the first hybrid jurisdiction with a mandate providing for the request for reparations by victims who are joined as civil parties. The CHRAC, a coalition of 21 NGOs defending human rights and the rule of law, intends to remind the court of its commitments. In an open letter, dated June 3rd, to the members of the Plenary and the Rules Committee, the organisations urge them to make a debate on the issue of reparations a main item of their agenda for the next Plenary Assembly, and to amend the existing rule.

Indeed, Rule 23 states that “the Chambers may award only collective and moral reparations to Civil Parties. These shall be awarded against, and be borne by convicted persons.” Yet, the CHRAC reminds that all five defendants before the Court have claimed to be “indigent” in order to qualify for legal aid. “As it currently stands,” the CHRAC argues, “this provision would drastically limit the potential scope of any Court-ordered reparations. Even a limited reparations award, such as an order to publish the judgment of the court, as suggested in Rule 23.12 (a), would be rendered unenforceable given the defendants lack of funds or assets to pay for such an award.”

Yet, the coalition recalls the results, presented earlier this year, of a country-wide survey among the Cambodian people conducted by the Human Rights Center of the University of Berkeley, California, which showed that “88 percent of all respondents believe that it is important to provide symbolic (moral) reparations to victims of the Khmer Rouge or their family.”


A system of voluntary contributions, an option to explore
It is not the first time that representatives of the Cambodian civil society have expressed their concerns on this issue. This time, the CHRAC clearly suggests that the tribunal allows voluntary contributions to compensate for the indigence of the defendants, who are the only ones who have to pay for the reparations to this day. “Only such an opening clause would provide a realistic perspective for the implementation of ‘collective and moral reparations’,” the coalition argues. Moreover, they also urge the court to “[S]upport credible action to investigate into the assets and property of the accused persons in order to recover potential resources to fund reparations orders”. To this day, there is nothing on how to administer and implement ECCC reparations orders, which should be corrected, the NGOs believe.


A call for the creation of a Victims Trust Fund
At the same time, civil party lawyers, including Silke Studzinsky, make the same observation as the CHRAC: the provisions on the funding of reparations are ineffective. They have therefore drafted proposals for amendments of the Internal Rules, regarding, among others, the establishment of a Victims Trust Fund by the Office of the Administration. The proposals were submitted on April 30th 2009 to the court via the Victims Unit. The initiative could be partly guided by the example of the Victims Trust Fund based on voluntary contributions and established in September 2002 by the Assembly of State Parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague.

Moreover, the lawyers argue that by implementing the Extraordinary Chambers into its national court structure, the Cambodian government also assumes “its duty according to para 16 of the [United Nations] Basic Principles for Victims also for the ECCC”, which states that “States should endeavor to establish national programs for reparation and other assistance to victims in the event that the parties liable for the harm suffered are unable or unwilling to meet their obligations.”


Necessary amendments to the Internal Rules
The civil party representatives note that the resources to this – independent – Trust Fund should also be contributed by the Kingdom of Cambodia itself. They conclude that “[A] Trust Fund foreseen in the Internal Rules is likely to be a good starting point for negotiations with the Royal Government of Cambodia on this matter.” On this point, they recall it is “common in many legal systems of the world, that certain reliefs concerning the detention are conditional upon the conduct of voluntary work by the detainee.” If this were to apply here, they argue that “[P]art of the compensation received for such work conducted by the defendants at the ECCC could be used as a contribution to the Trust Fund.” However, it may be noted that, in light of the advanced age of the defendants and the length of the judicial process, the last hypothesis seems most unlikely.

In addition to funds contributed by the Cambodian government and the defendants, voluntary contributions could be made by “Governments, international organizations, individuals, corporations and other entities.” The sums would all be collected by the Victims Trust Fund, which would manage these funds and their distribution. These are as many elements the lawyers would like to see written in black and white in the Internal Rules.

For Sok Sam Oeun, chairman of the CHRAC, reparations could also be funded by countries that were involved in the Pol Pot regime. Their implementation would contribute to “allay the suffering of the victims.” The important figure of the Cambodian civil society does not want to stray into idle speculations and simply hammers for now that the court must address this sensitive issue head-on.

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Phnom Penh is a copycat of Beijing when it comes to lack of respect of human rights and environmental neglect

The gigantic council of ministers building financed by China (Photo: http//tumnei.wordpress.com)

Cambodia follows Beijing’s example

02 June 2009
By Jerome Boruszewski in Phnom Penh
La Croix (France)
Translated from French by Tola Ek

China spreads its economic growth as a model to its neighbors, to the detriment of human rights. This is exactly the case of Cambodia.

“Development,” all Cambodian ministers are reciting this mantra. In theory, they recognize the needs for a balance between economic growth and the respect for the environment and human rights, however, they did not hide that the compatibility between the two are very difficult to achieve. In practice, they tip the balance toward growth (more than 10% yearly growth before the worldwide financial crisis) and they favor the plundering of lands, forced evictions of people, and constructions of dams which could bring in disastrous environmental consequences.

China is joining in this anarchic development strategy. China dominates the textile sector which is often blamed for deplorable working conditions. China benefits from concessions for exploitation of natural resources that lack transparency, such as rubber plantations, mineral explorations, and soon oil exploration.

China’s economic aid

If Cambodia welcomes these capitals with open hands, it is because China’s economic aid fits its needs. China builds roads, bridges, hydroelectric plants, and it is patiently waiting for a return of favorable climate for the development of its investments. “[China] plays a crucial role in the investments. But, it does not interfere in the management of the economy which is still dominated by the Cambodians,” Kong Chandararoth, Director of Cambodia Institute for Study and Development, explained.

In Phnom Penh, China paid 35 million euros to finance the construction of a gigantic building for the new council of ministers. This is a powerful symbol of China’s political support. Beijing is also the top donor of the Khmer kingdom (182 million euros of Chinese donation for this year).

Within this context, Cambodia cannot afford to criticize China, its ally, with whom it shared the celebration of 50 years of diplomatic ties. In front of this privileged relationship, Western countries give the impression of giving up, in spite of the fact that Phnom Penh needs these western countries to acquire its international respect status, something that China is not able to provide.
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Le Cambodge suit l’exemple de Pékin

02/06/2009
La Croix (France)

La Chine diffuse chez ses voisins son modèle de croissance économique au détriment des droits de l’homme. Il en va ainsi au Cambodge

"Développement", les ministres cambodgiens ont tous ce mot à la bouche. En théorie, ils reconnaissent qu’il faut trouver le juste équilibre entre l’essor économique et le respect de l’environnement et des droits de l’homme, laissant entendre que les deux sont difficilement compatibles. En pratique, ils font pencher la balance vers la croissance (plus de 10% avant la crise financière mondiale), et favorisent du coup les spoliations foncières, les déplacements de population et les constructions de barrages aux conséquences environnementales désastreuses.

La Chine participe à cette stratégie de développement à tout va. Elle domine l’industrie textile, souvent blâmée pour ses conditions de travail déplorables. Elle bénéficie de concessions pour l’exploitation opaque de ressources naturelles : caoutchouc, minerais et bientôt pétrole.

L'aide économique de la Chine

Si le Cambodge accueille à bras ouverts ces capitaux, c’est que son aide économique lui convient parfaitement. La Chine construit des routes, des ponts, des centrales hydroélectriques et n’attend en retour qu’un climat favorable au développement de ses affaires. "Elle tient une place cruciale dans les investissements. Mais elle n’intervient pas dans le management de l’économie, qui reste dominée par les Cambodgiens", explique Kong Chandararoth, président de l’Institut des études sur le développement du Cambodge.

À Phnom Penh, la Chine finance à hauteur de 35 millions d’euros la construction d’un bâtiment gigantesque qui accueillera le nouveau conseil des ministres. Un symbole puissant de soutien politique. Pékin est le premier donateur du royaume khmer (182 millions d’euros cette année).

Dans ce contexte, le Cambodge ne se permet aucune critique à l’égard de cet allié, avec qui il a fêté l’an dernier le cinquantenaire de l’établissement de relations diplomatiques. Et face à cette relation privilégiée, les pays occidentaux donnent souvent l’impression de baisser les bras, alors que le Cambodge a besoin d’eux pour acquérir une respectabilité internationale que la Chine n’est pas en mesure d’offrir.
Jérôme Boruszewski, à Phnom Penh

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Honouring Kampuchea Krom

Friday the 05th of June 2009
Written by HOLLY PHAM and VONG SOKHENG
The Phnom Penh Post

Monks, Khmer Krom activists gather to urge the government not to halt future demonstrations

AROUND 600 monks, opposition politicians and rights activists gathered in Phnom Penh on Thursday to mark the loss of Cambodia's southern territories - Kampuchea Krom - to Vietnam.

The rally at Wat Botum park celebrating the 60th anniversary of the handover of Kampuchea Krom also aimed to draw attention to the human rights abuses still reportedly suffered by southern Vietnam's ethnic Khmer residents, known locally as Khmer Krom.

"We are in sorrow. This date represents all our suffering since 1949, when we lost our land to Vietnam. Our rally today sends a message to the young generation of Khmer Krom to remember our sufferings and sacrifices," said Young Sin, chief of the Khmer Krom monks from Phnom Penh's Sammaki Raingsei pagoda.

Historical watershed

The annual gathering marks June 4, 1949, when an ailing French colonial administration transferred Cambodia's old Mekong Delta territories to its colony of Cochinchina, a precursor to today's Socialist Republic of Vietnam.

It is a loss that is still keenly felt by many Cambodians, compounded by reports of human rights violations against Khmer Krom monks.

A Human Rights Watch report released in January decried the "severe and often shrouded methods" used by the Vietnamese government to stifle demands for religious and cultural freedom.

"We are in sorrow. This date represents all our suffering since 1949."

In a statement released Thursday, Son Soubert, president of the Permanent Committee of the Son Sann Foundation, said the anniversary was an important opportunity "to assert the Cambodian rights on this territory and to defend the rights of Khmer Krom living there".

Pich Seiha, 28, a Khmer Krom monk present at the rally, said he joined the protest to call attention to the situation in Vietnam.

"I joined the rally because I want the national government, as well as the international community, to bring us freedom to live our lives, to do the same work as Vietnamese citizens and the rights to make our own decisions," he said.
But participants claim a last-minute change of venue led to a lower turnout than expected.

On May 28, Phnom Penh Governor Kep Chuktema approved the rally to be held at Chaktomuk Theatre, but it was relocated overnight to Wat Botum park.

Sam Rainsy Party lawmaker Son Chhay expressed hopes that in the future the government would be more supportive of the rally.

"We hope that the government will give up its policy against commemorations of Khmer history [and that it] will not restrict or prohibit us from forming a rally," he said.

Koy Kuong, spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told the Post on Wednesday that the gathering of Cambodia's Khmer Krom community would not affect the relationship between Cambodia and its former political patron Vietnam.

"I think that the assembly... is an expression of their freedom of expression, which is guaranteed by the government," he said.

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Khmer Krom commemorate 4th June according their political party

June 4 2009
By Thach Theary Khmer Krom Network

Political leaders as well as non-governmental organizations in Cambodia have begun to commemorate June 4th, the day France illegally transfer Cochin-China (Kampuchea-Krom) according to their political groups.

The 60th anniversary of the transfer of Kampuchea-Krom to Vietnam organized by the Cambodian People's Party (CPP) member Mr. Kim Vang Chheng who is also the president of the Khmer Krom Reconciliation Committee took place on June 1 to pay respect to Khmer Krom ancestors. Mr Thach Setha, a member of the opposition Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) also plans the commemoration on the 4th June at Chaktokmouk Conference Centre.

In the morning of 1 June, 500 Buddhist monks and about 500 Khmer Kroms have gathered in Wat Ong Ta Minh Temple in Phnom Penh to and pray for the spirit of Khmer Krom ancestors. Other members of Phnom Penh municipality who are members of CPP also attended.

In a speech to the participants at the event, Mr Kim Vang Chheng, a former member of the SRP who have criticised Vietnam in the past prior to defecting to the CPP said in support of Vietnam "the reason his group are commemorating this day is not just to remember the history of Kampuchea Krom which has been lost for 60 years but more than 100 years ago"

"Kampuchea Krom before France transferred it to Vietnam is a society of the rich oppresses the poor that was why Khmer Krom and Vietnamese join together to fight the feudal system" he continues.

On the other hand, Mr Yon Tharo, a member of parliament from the SRP party who were also invited to attend the event said one cannot change history, he also went on to say that the blood and bones of Khmer Krom victims have turned into rivers and stacked up as mountains because of their struggle to defend the religion and culture of the Khmer Krom people in Kampuchea Krom.

Mr Yon Tharo continues to say that he is able speak Khmer in this [Khmer Krom] accent and his ability to write in Khmer and also went on to become the representative of the people is owed to the struggle of Khmer Krom ancestors in Kampuchea-Krom not in Cambodia. He stresses that he Khmer Krom culture, religion, language and literature that Khmer Krom remain to this day is not been given by anyone but through the production from blood and skins of Khmer Krom ancestors of all generations.

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[Cambodian-American US] Marine meets extended family while deployed in Cambodia

Petty Officer 3rd Class Bunthoeun Ham, the Khmer translator for 3rd Medical Battalion. (Photo by Lance Cpl. Stefanie C. Pupkiewicz).
Vouch Nap grips the arm of her great nephew, Petty Officer 3rd Class Bunthoeun Ham, the Khmer translator for 3rd Medical Battalion, Combat Logistics Regiment 35, 3rd Marine Logistics Group, during his deployment to Cambodia for a medical and dental civil action project. (Photo by Lance Cpl. Stefanie C. Pupkiewicz).

Lance Cpl. Stefanie C. Pupkiewicz
http://www.okinawa.usmc.mil

PHNOM PENH, Cambodia (June 5, 2009) -- An hour and a half outside of Phnom Penh, the capital city of Cambodia, a man in a cowboy hat wearing a blue surgical mask waits anxiously as a van pulls up.

One of the passengers is his nephew, Bunthoeun Ham, whose parents fled Cambodia in the 1970's to escape the bloody and violent hand of the Khmer Rouge and the civil wars that followed its fall from power.

The van arrives and the man in the cowboy hat, Moun Ey, approaches his nephew and sweeps him into an embrace that leaves no doubt they are family, even though this is their first time meeting.

Ham is a petty officer 3rd class in the U.S. Navy who served as the Khmer translator for the 3rd Medical Battalion, Combat Logistics Regiment 35, 3rd Marine Logistics Group, during the Cambodia Interoperability Program 2009.

It was the combination of good timing and eavesdropping that got Ham, a personnel specialist with the personnel support detachment, CLR 37, 3rd MLG, his place on the 3rd Medical Battalion deployment to Cambodia as their translator and ultimately his opportunity to meet the family that his parents had forlornly left behind.

In November, Ham arrived on Okinawa for his second tour and while checking in he overheard Petty Officer 1st Class Mark Craig, who was one of the coordinators for the Cambodia Interoperability Program 2009, speaking about 3rd Medical Battalion's deployment to Cambodia. Ham inserted himself into the conversation and vouched for his credentials as a native speaker.

Ham did not hear anything for a few months but followed the recommendations of Craig to get his passport and medical records in order then he was contacted by Craig, followed by a phone call in Khmer. On the other end was Maj. John Cherry, the Cambodian foreign affairs officer for the III Marine Expeditionary Force. Cherry asked Ham a few questions and the stuttering petty officer replied in Khmer, receiving a stamp of approval from Cherry.

Within weeks he was touching down in Phnom Penh with a plane full of Marines and sailors who had no ability to speak the language. A language that he had spoken his entire life, but when he stepped off the plane he was anxious about how good his Khmer was.

He didn't have the opportunity to avoid his role as translator. The officials from the airport who were processing the passports of the service members recognized his name as Khmer and sought him out.

Ham felt shy and stuttered a bit during his first Khmer exchange, he said.

But, he got used to it quickly. Over the next two weeks, he was immersed in the culture and language that he had always known was his but had never truly experienced, Ham said.

The Cambodia that Ham found was not the Cambodia that his parents left behind. Their Cambodia was victim to constant gun battles, the sounds of which echoed almost constantly across the rice paddies.

The refugees would move about in large groups and Ham's parents told him, "You just stayed in the middle and tried not to get shot."

Ham's visit to the Killing Fields, where thousands of Cambodians were killed during the brutal reign of the Khmer Rouge made Ham realize the sheer scale of the horrors his parents endured, he said. But, the people of Cambodia have recovered from those horrors.

Phnom Penh is a budding metropolis filled with new construction and motorbikes that seem to drive with little caution. The provinces, where the medical and dental civil action project occurred and his family live are developing.

"You see growth everywhere, and I know there is plenty of room for more," Ham said.

The medical and dental civil action project was deeply rewarding for him, Ham said.

In Khmer, people are referred to as older brother or older sister instead of sir or ma'am, so, for Ham, that meant he was helping the members of his very large extended family, he said.

It was his meeting with his actual family though that moved him to tears because of all of the sacrifices that his parents made to ensure that he and his siblings had a better life. He took special liberty to be able to visit them and see all the sights. The visit allowed him to see the life that he would have had if his parents hadn't left, Ham said.

The visit to his parents' villages took careful navigation on narrow roads and then further navigation on foot through the rice paddies to meet everyone.

An afternoon at the sea with his father's family wrapped up the day for Ham and his family. They parted ways thinking it was his last opportunity to see them.

But the next day, after a morning of sightseeing in Phnom Penh, Ham returned to the hotel only to have a Cambodian woman approach him with a strangely familiar face.

Alin, Ham's cousin, waited almost five hours in the lobby of the hotel for him to come back. She had never met or seen him before but her family had said that he looked identical to her father, she said.

She was incredibly anxious and a little scared waiting for Ham to come back from his sight seeing, she said. The hotel staff informed her when he walked in and he was all the way across the lobby and almost into the elevator before she mustered up the courage to speak to her American cousin.

The two spent the next two days getting to know more about each other and exploring Phnom Penh.

It felt good to let Alin experience the city as a tourist with the leisure to eat from food vendors and experience her culture, Ham said. She normally works seven days a week with no days off so that she and her husband can afford to eat and live in their modest apartment.

Ham says that he misses his family now that he has returned to Okinawa, and hopes to be able to return to Cambodia in his role as translator again. His ability to help the Cambodian people and reconnect with his family made his job with 3rd Medical Battalion rewarding.

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Cambodians receive much needed medical, dental, vision assistance [from US Marines]

Children from the school next to the temple and the children of the patients waiting in line play with each other on the temple grounds. They were very curious and keen to interact with the Marines and sailors of 3rd Medical Battalion, Combat Logistics Regiment 35, 3rd Marine Logistics Group. (Photo by Lance Cpl. Stefanie C. Pupkiewicz).
Petty Officer 3rd Class Pinch Santos, a hospital corpsman with 3rd Medical Battalion, Combat Logistics Regiment 35, 3rd Marine Logistics Group, takes blood pressure reading of a Buddhist monk during the Cambodia Interoperability Program 2009. Thousands of people came from all over the province to receive medical care from the combined U.S. and Royal Cambodian Armed Forces. (Photo by Lance Cpl. Stefanie C. Pupkiewicz).

A young patient is held by his mother while a U.S. Navy hospital corpsman with 3rd Medical Battalion, checks his pulse. Thousands of children were seen during the 10-day Cambodia Interoperability Program 2009 medical and dental civil action program. Many of them were suffering from infections and typical childhood ailments. (Photo by Lance Cpl. Stefanie C. Pupkiewicz).
United States Agency for International Development sponsored local nongovernmental organizations to set up informational displays on temple grounds providing health information to waiting patients. An avian flu display station passed out hats to raise awareness on the issue. (Photo by Lance Cpl. Stefanie C. Pupkiewicz).
Dentists and dental technicians with 3rd Medical Battalion, removed hundreds of teeth during the program. Dental saw an average of 100-150 patients everyday for dental surgery. (Photo by Lance Cpl. Stefanie C. Pupkiewicz).

Glimpse of Hope

Lance Cpl. Stefanie C. Pupkiewicz
http://www.okinawa.usmc.mil

WAT BAKAN, PURSAT PROVINCE, Cambodia (June 5, 2009) -- The provincial roads in Pursat, Cambodia, are unlit and relatively deserted at 1 a.m. On the morning of May 19, a woman on a motorbike clutching her sick infant in one arm rumbled down a two-lane highway.

She still has another hour's distance to cover before she reaches Wat Bakan, the district Buddhist temple, to receive treatment from the U.S. and Royal Cambodian Armed Forces at a combined medical and dental civil action project.

Her name is Chera and she arrives early knowing she will have to wait six more hours before the vans transporting the U.S. service members arrive and patient care begins for the day.

Despite her long journey and hardship, she could do nothing but smile and thank the service members for eventually helping her and her child.

Chera's story is just one of the 12,333 patient stories told to sailors from 3rd Medical Battalion, Combat Logistics Regiment 35, 3rd Marine Logistics Group, along with Royal Cambodian Armed Forces doctors and medics providing medical, dental and vision care during Cambodia Interoperability Program 2009.

The operation began May 11 with a goal to see 1,000 patients a day during the 10-day mission. By the eighth day, the medical and dental civil action project reached the 10,000 patient mark.

Prior to the start of CIP '09, medical and dental civil action program planners coordinated with local nongovernmental organizations associated with the United States Agency for International Development to provide health education on everything from safe sex to preventing the spread of avian flu.

When the project wrapped up May 20, Brig. Gen. William Faulkner, the commanding general of 3rd MLG, arrived on site for the closing ceremony and to express his pride in his Marines and sailors for their hard work.

"The operation has been a complete success and has strengthened the relationship between the United States and the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces," Faulkner said.

Throughout the program, the interoperability between both countries' service members was apparent in all areas of the operation, from the U.S. Navy hospital corpsmen working alongside RCAF medics, to the U.S. Navy doctors working general triage side by side with the RCAF doctors.

"The U.S. Navy optometrists worked especially close to the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces ophthalmologist," said U.S. Navy Lt. Robert Senko, an optometrist with 3rd Med. Bn. "The U.S. optometrists triaged the patients and provided them with eye exams and glasses while the Royal Cambodian ophthalmologist removed cataracts and pterygiums obstructing the patients' vision."

The mission was fulfilling for all involved because the fruits of their labor were immediately apparent, according to Petty Officer 3rd Class Christopher Barrett, a hospital corpsman with 3rd Med. Bn.

"I know we are taking out teeth, but I can see their happiness because they are out of pain. Pain that they have been in for a long time," said U.S. Navy Lt. Thomas Stinchfield, a dentist with 3rd Med. Bn.

In addition to pulling out infected teeth, the dental section of the project provided oral hygiene instruction to the Cambodians so they could take proper care of their remaining teeth.

Many of the people who received care had never seen a doctor, according to U.S. Navy Petty Officer 3rd Class Bunthoeun Ham, the translator for 3rd Med. Bn.

"Most of the Cambodians treat their conditions and symptoms with medicinal plants that they grow," Ham said.

The medical and dental care offered by the service members was limited, but patients were referred to local free medical services.

"One of the things we have been doing is introducing a lot of the patients to some of the services available to them. These include malaria care, pregnancy care, and tuberculosis care that is available to them free of charge," said U.S. Navy Lt. Ryan Brown, a medical officer with 3rd Med. Bn. "Many of the Cambodians were unaware of the existence of these programs."

"We treat what we can here, and really, it's just a lot of smiling faces," said Brown.

Meanwhile, personnel from 3rd Med. Bn. are scheduled to deploy to Bangladesh this summer for another medical and dental civil action project.

Additionally, the government of Cambodia is expecting the return of U.S. Marines and sailors when combat engineers from Marine Wing Support Squadron 172 arrive for an engineering civil action project with the RCAF.

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S-21 photographer ditches KR museum

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Monday, 18 May 2009
Written by Sam Rith
The Phnom Penh Post

$1m to buy all of the exhibits, says Nhem En.

FORMER Tuol Sleng photographer Nhem En is putting all of his Khmer Rouge-era possessions - once destined for a museum in Anlong Veng - up for sale for US$1 million, saying that the global economic crisis is to blame for scuppering his monument to the regime whose most brutal moments he helped to document.
"I am calling on all interested individuals and companies, both inside and outside the country, to bid on more than 10 varieties of Khmer Rouge materials. The starting price is US$1 million," said Nhem En, who is deputy governor of Anlong Veng district in Oddar Meanchey province.

The items on offer include two cameras purportedly used to photograph prisoners at Tuol Sleng; 2,000 photographs of Pol Pot and other Khmer Rouge leaders; what he claims are Pol Pot's sandals, toilet, clothes and hat; a piece of car tyre that was used in Pol Pot's 1998 cremation; videos of military commander Ta Mok and other top regime cadre; and 1,000 songs on original tapes and pirated CDs.

"I spent all my spare cash trying to build the museum and I can't borrow from the bank because they are suffering from the global economic crisis," he said.

Nhem En said he had spent more than US$200,000 buying and clearing 50 hectares of land in Anlong Veng, but had garnered no support. He said the museum would cost $1 million to complete.

The announcement follows his April offer to sell what he said were Pol Pot's sandals and his cameras for US$500,000. But early interest faded after provincial officials reacted negatively.

Oddar Meanchey provincial Governor Pich Sokhin declined Sunday to comment on the revised offer, but added that he also had no objection to the museum being built.

But S-21 survivor Chhum Mey said people who might consider buying the items should instead give that money to the cash-strapped Khmer Rouge tribunal.

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Hor 5 Hong lambastes Dey Krahorm evictees ... while keeping silence on the illegal land-grabber: Hun Sen's no rights-no law rule?

Minister Lambastes ‘Professional Squatters’

By Taing Sarada, VOA Khmer
Original report from Washington
18 May 2009

While rights groups seek to find fair deals for families displaced in Phnom Penh developments, the foreign minister says many of the capital’s squatters are “professionals,” moving from place to place to demand money when they are expelled.
In remarks at the opening ceremony of a consulate in Lowell, Mass., last month, Foreign Minister Hor Namhong said residents of the Dey Krahorm community, who were evicted earlier this year, were squatters living on state land that had been granted to a private company for development.

“Nowadays, there are many squatters in Phnom Penh, and these squatters always grab people’s land,” he said. “When they push them out, the squatters always demand money. When they get the money, they go build another hut to live in, then demand money again. They are professional squatters.”

In fact, the situation is more complicated, and, critics say, indicative of the abuses suffered by many of the displaced.

Rights and opposition officials objected to the minister’s portrayal of the displaced.

The Dey Krahorm community was a cluster of shacks on 4 hectares of land in Phnom Penh’s Tonle Basaac commune, Chamkarmon district. Around 6,000 people had lived in the neighborhood before they were gradually pushed out, starting from 2003 and ending in January 2009.

Residents, many of whom were resettled on 3 hectares of land outside the city, claimed they had lived in the area since the 1980s.

Land was granted to development company 7NG as a social land concession, a move opposed by Dey Krahorm residents.

In July 2003, ahead of national elections, Prime Minister Hun Sen granted rights to some families in the neighborhood to live on the land. 7NG, however, continued with evictions, and many families were forced to settle in Choam Chao commune, in remote Dangkor district.

Residents complained they were being compensated below market price for their land. Protesters were evicted by Phnom Penh security forces, military police and soldiers, armed with electric batons, rifles and bulldozers, tractors and water trucks. Several were injured.

Meanchey District Governor Kouch Chamroeun told VOA Khmer he has never experienced forcible evictions and prefers peaceful negotiations.

Rights groups claim the evictions were a contradiction of a 2001 land law and blamed the government for a lack of responsibility.

Lao Monghay, a senior researcher at the Asian Human Rights Commission, in Hong Kong, questioned Hor Nahmong’s accusations.

The authorities had been careless, and the ownership of the land was questionable, he said.

“Whose land is this?” he said. “How did they grant the land to the company? Was there any transparency? Any bid? How much did the company pay to the government? So the top government officials who have big houses and land in Phnom Penh, did they really build them by themselves? Don’t you think they also took someone’s house and someone’s land after the Khmer Rouge regime?”

If the people of Dey Krahorm were illegal, under which law was it, he asked. When people began to return to the city following the Khmer Rouge, no one in the country possessed a thing, he said.

“The Khmer Rouge revoked all land and house possession,” he said. The people of Dey Krahorm lived freely after into the 1990s under the State of Cambodia.

“If they first moved to live in that area, why didn’t the government immediately prohibit this?” he said. “So this is the authority’s mistake, not the people’s mistake. The people did nothing wrong.”

Opposition leader Sam Rainsy said Hor Namhong’s remarks “are to protect the big, evil companies and businessmen who depend on the dictator leader in order to steal and rob the Khmer people of their property.”

“The people can’t accept such language, because the people are the owners of the country,” he said.

Thun Saray, president of the rights group Adhoc, told VOA Khmer the people in Dey Krahorm were not to blame, but the company had taken their land away.

“People lived there for a long time before the company existed,” he said. “When the people oppose the company’s policy, it is their right to do so because they have their own plot of land in the Dey Krahorm community. They should respect their land rights.”

Resources watchdog Global Witness has reported that 45 percent of Cambodian land belongs to private companies or powerful individuals, while millions of dollars from land concessions disappear from national coffers.

The UN, meanwhile, has urged Cambodia to cease forced evictions across the country, warning that such policies do not meet international rights standards and are against UN conventions.

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