Mudslides kill 100 in northern Philippines

The northern Philippines has been pounded by heavy rain since Typhoon Parma hit the country on Saturday Photo: EPA

Parma hit the Philippines exactly one week after tropical storm Ketsana pounded Manila to the south on Luzon, killing at least 337 people Photo: EPA

More than 100 people have been killed in a series of landslides brought about by heavy rain in mountainous provinces of the northern Philippines.

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/
09 Oct 2009

Seventy-five people were confirmed dead with 36 still missing in Benguet province as landslides struck in five towns, said provincial police chief, Superintendent Loreto Espinili.

Officials said the death toll would likely rise.

"Our estimate is that more than 100 people were buried," warned provincial civil defence chief Olive Luces.

"The damage in the region is massive. We have several reports of landslides across the region, especially in Benguet. Bodies are being recovered," she said.

In the mountain resort city of Baguio, 17 people were killed as landslides buried whole houses in different parts of the city, said city administrator and civil defence official Peter Fianza.

A landslide also left five dead and 32 missing in Mountain Province, said provincial governor Maximo Dalog.

The northern Philippines has been pounded by heavy rain since Typhoon Parma hit the country on Saturday.

Parma weakened into a tropical depression but has lingered over the north of the Philippines' main island of Luzon.

The National Disaster Coordinating Council's death toll from Parma on Friday morning was 25, however council administrator Glen Rabonza said the latest fatalities from landslides in the north were not yet included in that tally.

Parma hit the Philippines exactly one week after tropical storm Ketsana pounded Manila to the south on Luzon, killing at least 337 people.

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Khmer Rouge case judge 'biased'

By Guy De Launey
BBC News, Phnom Penh
Saturday, 10 October 2009

Ieng Sary's lawyers say the judge has trampled over his rights

Lawyers for Cambodia's former foreign minister have called for the removal of the judge investigating his role in the Khmer Rouge era.

Ieng Sary is charged with crimes against humanity for his part in the deaths of as many as two million people in the late 1970s.

His defence team claims the judge at the UN-backed Khmer Rouge tribunal, Marcel Lemonde, is biased.

The controversy is the latest in a series of problems to hit the tribunal.

'One-sided investigation'

The defence team's claims are based on a sworn statement by a former member of the investigating judge's staff.

Wayne Bastin accused his boss, Mr Lemonde, of instructing his team to concentrate on finding only incriminating evidence.

Under the rules of the tribunal, the investigating judges are supposed to be impartial - and should also seek out evidence which might exonerate defendants.

Mr Bastin admitted that Ieng Sary's defence team had encouraged him to make the statement.

But he insisted that he had enjoyed a good working relationship with Judge Lemonde - and only came forward because he felt "morally and ethically" obliged.

Ieng Sary's lawyers said the investigating judge had "trampled over" the rights of their client.

The tribunal's pre-trial chamber will now rule on whether Mr Lemonde should be disqualified.

It has already rejected two attempts to disqualify court officials on the grounds of bias.

Progress in the case against Ieng Sary and his three co-defendants has been slow.

But closing statements in the trial of a former Khmer Rouge prison chief are expected next month.

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Young circus talents to compete in regional contest

Saturday, October 10, 2009

Circus artistes from Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia compete in the first Young Circus Talent Competition opened on Thursday in Hanoi

Sixty-four circus artistes from Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam started competing in the first Young Circus Talent Competition that opened on Thursday (October 8) in Hanoi.

The four-day contest is held at the Experimental Theater of Vietnamese Intermediate School of Circus and Vaudeville Art in Mai Dich St., Cau Giay Dist.

Ranging in age from 16 to 25, the athletes have been competing for prizes in 21 different acts including acrobatics, sleight of hand and balancing. Each act is presented twice, with the higher score being picked.

The Vietnamese delegation has 35 professional artists from Vietnam Circus Federation, Intermediate School of Circus and Vaudeville Art in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City, and the Long An Circus.

The contest is organized by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism, the departments of Performing Art and International Cooperation and the Association of Vietnamese Performing Artists.

Reported by Hoang Oanh

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Small Arms Control and Management in Cambodia

Virak Thun
October 08, 2009

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This article raises the growing concerns over the production, accumulation, and availability of illegal small arms around the world and points out negative effects of small arms misuse on post-conflict societies like Cambodia. It further acknowledges and illustrates small arms control efforts of the Cambodian government such as: (1) establishing the National Commission on Weapons Management and Reform (NCWMR); (2) enacting the Law on the Management of Weapons, Explosives and Ammunition; (3) collecting Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) nationally; and (4) initiating and developing public awareness campaigns. In-depth analysis of these small arms control efforts follows, and concluding remarks are emphasized at the end.

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I. Introduction

For the last several years, much research and study has been conducted on small arms manufacturing, availability, and effects. For instance, Shah (2006) reveals that: “[a]t least 1,134 companies in 98 countries worldwide are involved in some aspect of the production of small arms and/or ammunition.” Shah (2006) further estimates that: “[t]here are around half a billion military small arms around the world; … 300,000 to half a million people around the world are killed by them each year…” Even though much of the small arms production (supply or transfer and acquisition) is legal according to national and international laws, conventions, and protocols; an increase in illicit circulation and trade (import and export) as well as the black market of small arms capture great attention. With the ready availability of and growing accessibility to illegal small arms, global security and peace are put at high risk. Like many other post-conflict countries around the world, Cambodia also witnesses or experiences threats to its national order, stability, and social, political, and economic development; as proliferation and unlawful use of small arms continue unabated. Anders (2002) indicates that: “[e]merging from decades of brutal violent conflict, Cambodia is now facing the challenge of transforming itself into a stable and secure state... A particular challenge... is the excessive accumulation and easy availability of small arms such as assault rifles, grenades and pistols.”

II. Reviews on Impacts of Small Arms Misuse

What are the negative effects of small arms misuse, especially in the case of a post-conflict society like Cambodia?

This simple, but interactive, question invites a lot of answers from many schools of thoughts. Godnick, Laurance, Stohl, and Small Arms Survey (2005) classify the effects of small arms misuse into two main categories—direct and indirect. While the direct effects are perceived as “deaths, injuries, and disabilities; terror, intimidation, and other psychological effects; … increased potential for violations of human rights and international humanitarian laws; threats to humanitarian intervention; and outbreak of intergroup violence”, the indirect impacts are heavily placed on such four major aspects as “development, tourism, post-conflict reconstruction, and governance” (Godnick, Laurance, Stohl, and Small Arms Survey, 2005). Accordingly, both kinds of the effects embrace human, social, and economic costs.

Apart from the two abovementioned divisions, Stohl (2005) acknowledges the impact of small arms that cause “the majority of today's conflict deaths and thousands more injuries each year… the spread and misuse of small arms cause, prolong, and exacerbate humanitarian crises and violent conflicts around the world and are the weapons of choice of terrorists.” Krause (2000) also gives us a thoughtful explanation that:

…the small arms and light weapons issues has been framed not just as an inter-state problem, or one that concerns traditional arms control and security actors, but as a problem with concrete societal consequences in terms of levels of violence and crime, increased medical and public health costs, the destruction of the social and communal fabric, and the creation and perpetuation of a ‘culture of violence.’

In addition, the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2009) shows its standpoint on the harmful effects of small arms and light weapons (SALW) that “create serious problems in today's world because they are widely available and used as tools of violence exacerbating regional and internal conflicts, and also escalating criminal activities in post-conflict societies.” Shah (2006) further advocates the idea that: “[t]he growing availability of small arms has been a major factor in the increase in the number of conflicts, and in hindering smoother rebuilding and development after a conflict has ended.” From all the well-explained perspectives above, it can be summarized that the negative effects of small arms misuse are: (1) threatening or jeopardizing national security and social order; (2) creating a “culture of violence”; (3) fueling and lengthening conflicts; (4) violating human rights and national and international laws; and (5) inhibiting the development or post-conflict reconstruction in all domains. These five key unconstructive effects of small arms can also be applied to the Cambodian context; however, more impacts of small arms are addressed in the country as well. Anders (2002) asserts a detailed description of the impacts that:

“[t]hey[small arms] fuel armed banditry, crime and social violence, and they representa risk of future destabilisation. In addition, a lack of accountability and aculture of impunity among the security forces and other state institutions implythe persistent misuse of small arms in political violence and human rightsviolations. This hinders the consolidation of the rule of law, and of a neutralstate apparatus that serves the interests of its citizens. The excessiveaccumulation and misuse of small arms is therefore undoubtedly a significantobstacle to the post-conflict transformation of Cambodia, and hence to itssustainable development.”

As the harmful effects of small arms misuse have been outlined and discussed above, the challenging priority of confronting the Cambodian government today lies at the heart of identifying its efforts to control illegal small arms. These efforts should be improved, so as to reduce or eliminate their negative effects and to strengthen the social variables of human security effectively.

III. Small Arms Control Efforts of the Cambodian Government

Amazingly, the government of Cambodia has been making significant progress in controlling and managing the production, circulation, and use of illicit small arms. Impressive progress has been accredited by Cambodian citizens as well as the regional and international community.

3.1. Establishment of the National Commission on Weapons Management and Reform (NCWMR)

The NCWMR was founded in June 2000, under the firm initiative and commitment of the Cambodian government. The main components of the Commission have encompassed the related government ministries and departments, and it has been chaired by the Deputy Prime Minister (Minister of Interior) of the nation. It has served as a backbone to contribute a positive influence to the formation of an integrated national SALW Control strategy. What is more, it has been “charged with establishing control over small arms possession and with the confiscation and collection of illegally held weapons” (Anders, 2002).

3.2. Enactment of Law on the Management of Weapons, Explosives and Ammunition

Law on the Management of Weapons, Explosives and Ammunition was adopted and came into force in 2005. The Cambodian government has implemented the Law to strengthen national security and order; to provide the principles for regulatory and effective control and management of weapons, explosives, and ammunition; to crack down illicit production, circulation, and procurement of weapons; and to bring down the crime rate in the entire country. The Law has also stipulated “regulations for the ownership of weapons for government officials, personnel in the security forces and other state employees” (Anders, 2002). Furthermore, these legalities have been aimed at offering small arms control measures to strictly ban the use of illicit small arms by civilians and penalizing them for misuse and illegal ownership of weapons. For example, Article 2 of the Law explicitly states that: “[t]his law governs the equipping, possession, carrying, utilization, purchase, sale, trading, loan, transfer, hiring, production, fabrication, repair, transportation, transit, importation, exportation, and stockpiling of weapons, explosives and ammunition of any and all types” (National Assembly of the Kingdom of Cambodia, 2005).

3.3. National Gathering of SALW

Due to the changing security situation in the neighboring countries and around the world, Cambodia has been doing its best to improve its national security and social order and to transform itself into a safe and stable nation with no illegal small arms proliferation and availability. To ensure the high achievement of these goals, the government has been actively enforcing the nationwide collection of SALW by motivating its armed citizens and ex-combatants or ex-soldiers to surrender their illegal and unsafe weapons or ammunition to the state authority. For instance, in 1998, the City Hall of Cambodia started its weapons collection program. This initiative encouraged civilians and other former soldiers to stop possessing and using their weapons secretly and illegally and to voluntarily hand them in to the government. This collection program, accompanied by sporadic house check and searches at roadblocks for SALW, was deemed very successful and was expanded across Cambodia to implement the nationwide collection of SALW from all the entire population. “By June 2000 these efforts had led to the collection of some 66,000 weapons. More than half of these have been destroyed in public ceremonies” (Anders, 2002).

In addition to this collection program, the Cambodian Ministry of National Defense has also come to play an operational role in presenting its “nationwide programme for record-keeping and storage security of army stockpiles.” The Ministry further reports that: “[p]ilot projects in this programme have resulted in computerised registration of arms, the construction of safe storage facilities, appropriate training of staff at stockpile sites, and the destruction of surplus military weapons” (Anders, 2002).

3.4. Public Awareness Campaigns

The Cambodian government, with the support of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the international community, has launched several national campaigns in the country to raise significant public awareness about the collected weapons destruction and of a secure society with no SALW. Such public awareness campaigns include: workshops and conferences on small arms control and management; information leaflets and posters on the negative effects of SALW; weapon-made statues about non-violence or a healthy environment without SALW; and weapons destruction ceremonies held in the capital city and a few other provinces in the country. Anders (2002) claims that: “... between May 1999 and January 2003, a total of 105,000 small arms have been either crushed or burned in Flames of Peace.”

One of the best examples of public awareness campaigns is the “Control Arms” campaign launched in 2003 in Cambodia and in nearly 70 other countries around the world. This campaign, which was attended by thousands of Cambodian people, was run by a joint group of such three international organizations as Amnesty International, IANSA, and Oxfam. The campaign “has been active in highlighting the situation in Cambodia and lobbying for stricter arms controls” (Oxfam, 2009). Another viable alternative or approach to promote public awareness of small arms impacts in Cambodia is related to the use of media. Financially and technically assisted by international organizations and governments, Cambodia has been effectively utilizing media, national televisions and radios in particular. The use of the media is to disseminate the information about the damaging consequences of SALW on the welfare of people and the country at large; and about the legal punishment applied to those whose actions are against the Law on the Management of Weapons, Explosives and Ammunition.

IV. Analysis of the Small Arms Control Efforts

Although the government of Cambodia has invested its aforesaid efforts to control and manage small arms in the nation, there are still a few main weaknesses and limitations involving efforts that have been unaddressed or neglected. First of all, the formation of the NCWMR includes only the relevant government institutions, but the civil society representation and participation in the Commission do not exist; so constructive contributions of the civil society to the effective performance of the NCWMR are absent. Moreover, the chairman of the Commission is the Deputy Prime Minister (Minister of Interior) and its members are all high-ranking government officials (e.g. the Commander in Chief of the RCAF and Director General of the Police), so “it is unlikely that it can ever meet to discuss operational issues. It is too high level to be effective, and responsibility should be devolved to a more practical level to improve effectiveness and efficiency of the commission” (Wilkinson, 2006, p. 17).

In addition, although the Cambodian Law on the Management of Weapons, Explosives and Ammunition has been put in place since 2005, the implementation or enforcement of the Law remains questionable and challenging. For instance, the illegal in-country production and circulation of small arms or weapons continues to be unabated, and violent crime rates in the nation are still relatively high (compared to that in the neighboring states). Further, in reality, some government officials or personnel in the security forces can carry and use guns or weapons even though they are not on their duties, and rich and powerful individuals can also possess guns or have their bodyguards armed. Sadly enough, these people or groups can own and use weapons illicitly without being prosecuted and punished before the Law. As a result, it shows a clear sign of ineffective governmental control over their illegal possession and use of SALW though the Law has been enacted.

It is also worth emphasizing that there are other weaknesses in small arms control and management in Cambodia. The weaknesses are greatly focused on: (1) limited governmental control of SALW, coupled with “no central oversight of the number of weapons held in the dispersed stockpiles of the national and provincial army units and other security forces”; (2) inadequate security and management of stockpiles; (3) poor storage facilities, stemming from limited financial resources; (4) presence of ongoing illegal trafficking of SALW across the borders, resulting from weak border control and customs authorities; and (5) lack of regional and sub-regional coordination and cooperation in sharing information and monitoring the circulation and supply of weapons (Anders, 2002).

V. Conclusion

To a large extent, the aforementioned efforts or initiatives made by the Cambodian government are important contributing factors in the reduction of small arms proliferation, availability, and misuse. To address the main weaknesses in the efforts and to ensure a higher level of success of all initiatives, the government of Cambodia should enhance the practical implementation of the Law on the Management of Weapons, Explosives and Ammunition. Further, the government should intensify joint efforts with NGOs and international donors that can provide financial and technical assistance when needed. Finally, broader changes should be produces in governance reforms and practices, government institutions and agencies as well as the private sector. It seems like there are lots of tasks for the Cambodian government to do in both short-term and long-term periods. However, it does not necessarily mean that the government is not able to accomplish them. Starting to act now is a fundamental step that the government should not overlook.

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Flash floods hit Thai-Cambodian border markets, checkpoints

BANGKOK, Oct 9 (TNA) - Flash floods from the hills along Thai-Cambodian border in Thailand’s eastern provinces poured into the market at a checkpoint for border trade between the two neighbouring countries, more than 200 vendors were affected by the inundation which caused damage estimated at over Bt30 million (US$850,000).

Runoff floods from Cambodia’s Phnom Preuk hill in Battambang province and Khao Ta Ngok in Thailand's Sa Kaeo province combined with flash flooding from Khao Soi Dao in Chanthaburi which flowed into the Thai-Cambodian checkpoint for border trade at Ban Sub Taree and at Ban Suan Som in Soi Dao district of Chanthaburi.

The markets at both checkpoints were submerged, with border traders rushing to transfer their goods and products to higher ground as the water level is likely to continue to rise.

Flash floods also hit the 522th Marine Company base near the border.

There were no reports of casualties. (TNA)

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Cambodia Fashion

REFILE - ADDING DATE Contestants pose during the finals of a modelling competition in Phnom Penh October 9, 2009.REUTERS/Chor Sokunthea (CAMBODIA FASHION)

A model walks down the runway during the finals of a modelling competition in Phnom Penh. REUTERS/Chor Sokunthea (CAMBODIA FASHION)

A model wears a creation by Vietnamese fashion designer Kelly Bui, during Bui's 2009 Autumn-Summer collection entitled, ' My Fair Lady', in Hanoi, Vietnam, Friday, Oct. 9, 2009.(AP Photo/Chitose Suzuki)

(Post by CAAI News Media)

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Surprised, humbled Obama awarded Nobel Peace Prize

US President Barack Obama speaks after winning Nobel Peace Prize at the Rose Garden of the White House in Washington, DC. Americans greeted President Barack Obama's surprise winning of the Nobel Peace Prize Friday with joy and derision. (AFP/Jewel Samad)

By KARL RITTER and MATT MOORE, Associated Press Writers

OSLO – President Barack Obama won the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize on Friday in a stunning decision designed to build momentum behind his initiatives to reduce nuclear arms, ease tensions with the Muslim world and stress diplomacy and cooperation rather than unilateralism.

Obama said he was surprised and deeply humbled by the honor, and planned to travel to Oslo to accept the prize.

"I do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many transformative figures that have been honored by this prize," he said. "I will accept this award as a call to action, a call for all nations to confront the challenges of the 21st century."

Many observers were shocked by the unexpected choice so early in the Obama presidency, which began less than two weeks before the Feb. 1 nomination deadline and has yet to yield concrete achievements in peacemaking.

Some around the world objected to the choice of Obama, who still oversees wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and has launched deadly counter-terror strikes in Pakistan and Somalia.

Obama said he was working to end the war in Iraq and "to confront a ruthless adversary that directly threatens the American people and our allies" in Afghanistan.

Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee said their choice could be seen as an early vote of confidence in Obama intended to build global support for his policies. They lauded the change in global mood wrought by Obama's calls for peace and cooperation, and praised his pledges to reduce the world stock of nuclear arms, ease American conflicts with Muslim nations and strengthen the U.S. role in combating climate change.

"Obama has as President created a new climate in international politics," the citation read, in part. "Multilateral diplomacy has regained a central position, with emphasis on the role that the United Nations and other international institutions can play. Dialogue and negotiations are preferred as instruments for resolving even the most difficult international conflicts."

Aagot Valle, a lawmaker for the Socialist Left party who joined the committee this year, said she hoped the selection would be viewed as "support and a commitment for Obama."

"And I hope it will be an inspiration for all those that work with nuclear disarmament and disarmament," she told The Associated Press in a rare interview. Members of the Nobel peace committee usually speak only through its chairman.

The peace prize was created partly to encourage ongoing peace efforts but Obama's efforts are at far earlier stages than past winners'. The Nobel committee acknowledged that they may not bear fruit at all.

"Some people say, and I understand it, isn't it premature? Too early? Well, I'd say then that it could be too late to respond three years from now," Nobel Committee chairman Thorbjoern Jagland said. "It is now that we have the opportunity to respond — all of us."

In Europe and much of the world Obama is lionized for bringing the United States closer to mainstream global thinking on issues like climate change and multilateralism. A 25-nation poll of 27,000 people released in July by the Pew Global Attitudes Project found double-digit boosts to the percentage of people viewing the U.S. favorably in countries around the world. That indicator had plunged across the world under President George W. Bush.

At home, the picture is more complicated. Obama is often criticized as he attempts to carry out his agenda — drawing fire over a host of issues from government spending to health care to the conduct of the war in Afghanistan.

U.S. Republican Party Chairman Michael Steele contended that Obama won the prize as a result of his "star power" rather than meaningful accomplishments.

"The real question Americans are asking is, 'What has President Obama actually accomplished?'" Steele said.

Drawing criticism from some on the left, Obama has been slow to bring troops home from Iraq and the real end of the U.S. military presence there won't come until at least 2012.

In Afghanistan, he is seriously considering ramping up the number of U.S. troops on the ground and asking for help from others, too.

"I don't think Obama deserves this. I don't know who's making all these decisions. The prize should go to someone who has done something for peace and humanity," said Ahmad Shabir, 18-year-old student in Kabul. "Since he is the president, I don't see any change in U.S. strategy in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan."

Obama has said that battling climate change is a priority. But the U.S. seems likely to head into crucial international negotiations set for Copenhagen in December with Obama-backed legislation still stalled in Congress.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa, who won the prize in 1984, said Obama's award shows great things are expected from him in the coming years.

"In a way, it's an award coming near the beginning of the first term of office of a relatively young president that anticipates an even greater contribution towards making our world a safer place for all," he said. "It is an award that speaks to the promise of President Obama's message of hope."

He described the prize as a "wonderful recognition" of Obama's effort to reach out to the Arab world after years of hostility.

But Former Polish President Lech Walesa, who won the prize in 1983, questioned whether Obama deserved it now.

"So soon? Too early. He has no contribution so far. He is still at an early stage. He is only beginning to act," Walesa said.

Unlike the other Nobel Prizes, which are awarded by Swedish institutions, the peace prize is given out by a five-member committee elected by the Norwegian Parliament. Like the Parliament, the committee has a leftist slant, with three members elected by left-of-center parties. Jagland said the decision to honor Obama was unanimous.

The identity of the person who nominated Obama will not be made public unless that person steps forward. The Nobel committee received a record 205 nominations for this year's prize.

The award appeared to be at least partly a slap at Bush from a committee that harshly criticized Obama's predecessor for his largely unilateral military action in the wake of the Sept. 11 terror attacks.

"Those who were in support of Bush in his belief in war solving problems, on rearmament, and that nuclear weapons play an important role ... probably won't be happy," said Valle, the Nobel Committee member.

Obama is the third sitting U.S. president to win the award: President Theodore Roosevelt won in 1906 and President Woodrow Wilson was awarded the prize in 1919.

Wilson received the prize for his role in founding the League of Nations, the hopeful but ultimately failed precursor to the contemporary United Nations.

The Nobel committee chairman said after awarding the 2002 prize to former Democratic President Jimmy Carter, for his mediation in international conflicts, that it should be seen as a "kick in the leg" to the Bush administration's hard line in the buildup to the Iraq war.

Five years later, the committee honored Bush's adversary in the 2000 presidential election, Al Gore, for his campaign to raise awareness about global warming.

In July talks in Moscow, Obama and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev agreed that their negotiators would work out a new limit on delivery vehicles for nuclear warheads of between 500 and 1,100. They also agreed that warhead limits would be reduced from the current range of 1,700-2,200 to as low as 1,500. The United States now has about 2,200 such warheads, compared to about 2,800 for the Russians.

But there has been no word on whether either side has started to act on the reductions.

Former Peace Prize winner Mohamed ElBaradei, director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna, said Obama has already provided outstanding leadership in the effort to prevent nuclear proliferation.

"He has shown an unshakable commitment to diplomacy, mutual respect and dialogue as the best means of resolving conflicts," ElBaradei said.

Massimo Teodori, one of Italy's leading experts of U.S. history, said the Nobel decision was a clear rejection of the "unilateral, antagonistic politics" of Obama's predecessor, George Bush.

"The prize is well deserved after the Bush years, which had antagonized the rest of the world," Teodori said. "President Obama's policy of extending his hand has reconciled the United States with the international community."

Obama also has attempted to restart stalled talks between the Israelis and Palestinians, but just a day after Obama hosted the Israeli and Palestinian leaders in New York, Israeli officials boasted that they had fended off U.S. pressure to halt settlement construction. Moderate Palestinians said they felt undermined by Obama's failure to back up his demand for a freeze.

"I look forward to working closely with you in the years ahead to advance peace," Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said in a message of congratulations to Obama.

In the Gaza Strip, leaders of the radical Hamas movement said they had heard Obama's speeches seeking better relations with the Islamic world but had not been moved.

"We are in need of actions, not sayings," Prime Minister Ismail Haniyeh said. "If there is no fundamental and true change in American policies toward the acknowledgment of the rights of the Palestinian people, I think this prize won't move us forward or backward."

Obama was to meet with his top advisers on the Afghan war on Friday to consider a request by Gen. Stanley McChrystal, the U.S. commander in Afghanistan, to send as many as 40,000 more troops to Afghanistan as the U.S war there enters its ninth year.

Obama ordered 21,000 additional troops to Afghanistan earlier this year and has continued the use of unmanned drones for attacks on militants in Afghanistan and Pakistan, a strategy devised by the Bush administration. The attacks often kill or injure civilians living in the area.

A Taliban spokesman in Afghanistan has condemned President Barack Obama's winning of the Nobel Peace Prize, saying the American president had only escalated the war by sending more troops.

Qari Yousef Ahmadi accused Obama "of having the blood of the Afghan people on his hands."

In his 1895 will, Alfred Nobel stipulated that the peace prize should go "to the person who shall have done the most or the best work for fraternity between the nations and the abolition or reduction of standing armies and the formation and spreading of peace congresses."

Nominators for the prize include former laureates; current and former members of the committee and their staff; members of national governments and legislatures; university professors of law, theology, social sciences, history and philosophy; leaders of peace research and foreign affairs institutes; and members of international courts of law.

Obama will donate to charity the $1.4 million cash award that comes with the prize. White House spokesman Robert Gibbs says it is likely that more than one charity will benefit.

The committee has taken a wide interpretation of Nobel's guidelines, expanding the prize beyond peace mediation to include efforts to combat poverty, disease and climate change.

Until seconds before the award, speculation had focused on a wide variety of candidates besides Obama: Zimbabwe's Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, a Colombian senator, a Chinese dissident and an Afghan woman's rights activist, among others.

___

Associated Press writers Ian MacDougall in Oslo, Rahim Faiez in Kabul, Celean Jacobson in Johannesburg, George Jahn in Vienna, Monika Scislowska in Warsaw, Poland, Matti Huuhtanen in Helsinki and Jennifer Loven in Washington contributed to this report.

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KRouge lawyer demands judge's disqualification in Cambodia

Marcel Lemonde

By Patrick Falby (AFP)

PHNOM PENH — The lawyer for a former Khmer Rouge leader on Friday filed a demand that the French investigating judge be disqualified from Cambodia's UN-backed war crimes court for alleged bias.

Michael Karnavas, attorney for ex-Khmer Rouge foreign minister Ieng Sary, said the motion was based on allegations that Marcel Lemonde told subordinates to favour evidence showing suspects' guilt over evidence of their innocence.

The tribunal was set up to bring to justice the leaders of the genocidal late 1970s Khmer Rouge regime.

Karnavas said Lemonde was "giving instructions to his investigators to game the process. In other words, to look primarily for evidence that supports the prosecution".

The lawyer said he submitted his complaint based on a statement made by the former head of Lemonde's intelligence and analysis team, Wayne Bastin, at an Australian police station on Thursday.

A copy of the statement obtained by AFP said Lemonde shocked subordinates in a meeting at his Phnom Penh home in August when he told them, "I would prefer that we find more inculpatory evidence than exculpatory evidence".

Under the Khmer Rouge court's regulations, investigating judges are required to be impartial while researching allegations made by prosecutors. Defence teams are not permitted to make their own investigations.

"How is it that (Lemonde) can remain in the position in light of what we know now?" Karnavas said, adding that such behaviour was "outrageous".

Speaking on Lemonde's behalf, tribunal spokesman Lars Olsen said he had no comment on the issue.

Lemonde is currently investigating the court's second case, against Ieng Sary and his wife, former minister of social affairs Ieng Thirith, as well as Khmer Rouge ideologue Nuon Chea and ex-head of state Khieu Samphan.

Heather Ryan, who monitors the court for the Open Society Justice Initiative, told AFP that the defence would probably need to demonstrate systemic bias for Lemonde to lose his job.

"An off the cuff remark made in private -- like what was quoted -- may not be significant," Ryan said.

Under the court's internal rules, Lemonde's previous work on investigations remains valid even if he is disqualified from the tribunal.

Lemonde also met controversy earlier this week when it was revealed he summoned six top government and legislative officials to testify against Khmer Rouge leaders, a move opposed by Prime Minister Hun Sen's administration.

Final arguments in the court's first trial of prison chief Kaing Guek Eav, known by the alias Duch, are scheduled for late next month.

But the tribunal, created in 2006 after several years of haggling between Cambodia and the UN, has faced accusations of political interference and allegations that local staff were forced to pay kickbacks for their jobs.

Led by Pol Pot, who died in 1998, the Khmer Rouge emptied Cambodia's cities in a bid to forge a communist utopia between 1975-79, resulting in the deaths of up to two million people from starvation, overwork and torture.

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Govt testimony could bias KRT: PM

Photo by: AFP

Prime Minister Hun Sen arrives at Chaktomuk Theatre on Thursday for a ceremony marking the 30th anniversary of the National Bank of Cambodia.

Friday, 09 October 2009 15:04 Sebastian Strangio and Cheang Sokha

THE testimony of senior government officials could prejudice the Khmer Rouge tribunal’s upcoming case against four former regime leaders, Prime Minister Hun Sen said on Thursday, a day after the court made public documents summonsing six senior government officials to appear as witnesses at the hybrid court.

“These [officials] made the Pol Pot regime collapse, and they adopted the law on the Khmer Rouge tribunal, so if they go as witnesses, it would make the accused persons guilty,” Hun Sen said during a speech at Chaktomuk theatre on Thursday. “How is justice to be done? My main problem is that turning the plaintiffs into witnesses would doom the accused.”

The premier was responding to six letters of summons, dated September 25 and bearing the signature of International Co-Investigating Judge Marcel Lemonde, requesting that six government officials – Senate President Chea Sim, National Assembly President Heng Samrin, Foreign Minister Hor Namhong, Finance Minister Keat Chhon and two CPP senators – appear at the tribunal to provide testimony “in the framework of the investigation under way against Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary, Khieu Samphan and other leaders”.

Council of Ministers spokesman Phay Siphan echoed the premier’s statements, saying the testimony of senior government officials was “not necessary”, since there are witnesses and documentary evidence to spare.

“I think there’s enough proof already. It’s not necessary. This court has to be fair for both parties,” he said.

On Thursday, it remained unclear whether the six officials would obey the summons and appear in court. Foreign Ministry spokesman Koy Kuong said his boss, Hor Namhong, was too busy to have considered the issue, and officials representing Chea Sim, Heng Samrin and Keat Chhon declined to comment.

Senator Sim Ka could not be reached on Thursday, while Senator Ouk Bunchhoeun said that he “did not wish to elaborate” on the matter.

Pack your bags

A day earlier, government spokesman Khieu Kanharith said that though the individuals could appear in court voluntarily, the government’s position was that they should not give testimony. He said that foreign officials involved in the court could “pack their clothes and return home” if they were not satisfied with the decision.

According to Rule 60 of the internal rules of the ECCC, if any witness refuses a summons to appear in court, the co-investigating judges may issue an order “requesting the judicial police to compel the witness to appear”.

If any of the six officials do fail to appear, however, the tribunal could face some thorny challenges in implementing the rule.

“The questions are whether Judge Lemonde would issue an order pursuant to Rule 60 and whether the judicial police would serve it [to the officials],” said Heather Ryan, a trial monitor at the Open Society Justice Initiative.

“We don’t yet know the answers to either of those questions.”

Ryan said that making the cover letters of the summonses public would “increase the transparency of the court and, hopefully, the chances that the summonses are respected”.

Court officials expressed hopes on Thursday that the officials would obey the court’s request regardless of their role in setting up the Khmer Rouge trial process.

“We would expect that any law-abiding citizen would comply with a summons issued by a court of law,” said tribunal spokesman Lars Olsen. “That would apply especially to any representative of organs that played a crucial role in setting up the ECCC.”

Although the cover letters to the summonses bear only the signature of Lemonde, observers and court officials downplayed speculation of a rift between the international investigating judge and his Cambodian counterpart, You Bun Leng.

“The fact that the cover letters were signed by Judge Lemonde alone is significant only if the attached summonses were also signed only by Judge Lemonde and if his Cambodian counterpart declined to signed them because he did not agree that the documents should be issued,” Ryan said.

Olsen said he could not say whether one or both signatures appeared on the official summonses since the documents had not been made public.

You Bun Leng did not wish to comment when contacted on Thursday.

ADDITIONAL REPORTING BY AFP

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Disqualify KRouge trial judge

Mr Karnavas said Mr Lemonde (left) was 'giving instructions to his investigators to game the process. In other words, to look primarily for evidence that supports the prosecution'. --PHOTO: REUTERS

Oct 9, 2009

PHNOM PENH - THE lawyer for a former Khmer Rouge leader on Friday filed a demand that the French investigating judge be disqualified from Cambodia's UN-backed war crimes court for alleged bias.

Michael Karnavas, attorney for ex-Khmer Rouge foreign minister Ieng Sary, said the motion was based on allegations that Marcel Lemonde told subordinates to favour evidence showing suspects' guilt over evidence of their innocence.

The tribunal was set up to bring to justice the leaders of the genocidal late 1970s Khmer Rouge regime. Mr Karnavas said Mr Lemonde was 'giving instructions to his investigators to game the process. In other words, to look primarily for evidence that supports the prosecution'.

The lawyer said he submitted his complaint based on a statement made by the former head of Mr Lemonde's intelligence and analysis team, Wayne Bastin, at an Australian police station on Thursday.

A copy of the statement obtained by AFP said Lemonde shocked subordinates in a meeting at his Phnom Penh home in August when he told them, 'I would prefer that we find more inculpatory evidence than exculpatory evidence'.

Under the Khmer Rouge court's regulations, investigating judges are required to be impartial while researching allegations made by prosecutors. Defence teams are not permitted to make their own investigations. 'How is it that (Lemonde) can remain in the position in light of what we know now?' Mr Karnavas said, adding that such behaviour was 'outrageous'. -- AFP

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